From the early morning hours, Baghdad’s fortified Green Zone appeared unusually tense. Roads leading into the area were completely closed, access was restricted to holders of special permits, and additional security forces were deployed around the zone in anticipation of possible unrest, coinciding with the parliamentary session to vote on the government of Prime Minister-designate Ali al-Zaidi.
The security lockdown was not merely routine. It reflected the scale of political tensions preceding the session. After months of political deadlock and conflict among rival factions, Iraq was facing one of parliament’s most sensitive sessions in years.
Inside and outside the Green Zone, meetings continued until the final hours before the session convened. Leaders of political blocs moved in and out of party headquarters while maintaining constant communications. When the session finally began, there was little sense that political forces were heading toward a comprehensive agreement, but rather toward a temporary settlement aimed at avoiding the expiration of the 30-day constitutional deadline for Zaidi to secure parliamentary approval.
Parliament granted confidence to 14 ministers from the proposed cabinet, while nine ministries remained unresolved, including the Interior, Defense and Higher Education ministries, in a clear sign that the core disputes had yet to be settled.
Of the 14 ministries approved, Shiite parties received seven portfolios, while Sunni and Kurdish blocs each secured three. Four ministries allocated to Shiite parties remain unresolved, most notably Interior and Higher Education, along with one Kurdish ministry and three Sunni ministries.
Although the Transportation Ministry went to the Badr Organization led by Hadi al-Amiri, which is close to Iran, it was not reported to be among the organizations affected by the U.S. “veto.”
Government positions in Iraq are divided according to the country’s sectarian power-sharing system among Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds, based on the number of parliamentary seats won in national elections.
Zaidi, who rose to the premiership as a “technocrat” figure from the world of finance and business, appeared during the session to be struggling under internal and international pressure on his government. A man previously unknown to Iraqis through mass speeches or partisan conflicts, he suddenly found himself at the center of one of the most complicated periods in Iraq’s political system.
None of the ministries approved by parliament were allocated to Iran-backed armed factions, despite the attendance of Qais al-Khazali, leader of Asaib Ahl al-Haq, during the session. Khazali and his armed faction are designated as terrorists by the United States.
A source within the ruling Shiite Coordination Framework who attended the session told Alhurra that “the hours preceding the vote witnessed very major disputes among political forces, especially regarding the security and service ministries with large budgets, specifically the Interior and Oil ministries.”
The source added that “some disagreements were not resolved, but merely postponed.”
The source also said that “political blocs agreed to pass part of the government in exchange for promises to settle the remaining ministries after the Eid al-Adha holiday.”
A person close to Zaidi told Alhurra that “the Interior Ministry remains the biggest obstacle within the Coordination Framework because of competition among more than one Shiite faction over the post, while the Defense Ministry remains hostage to divisions within Sunni political forces.”
During the session, signs of tension surfaced repeatedly, with objections raised over some nominees and verbal confrontations between lawmakers from rival blocs before senior political leaders intervened to contain the situation and prevent the agreement from collapsing entirely.
The session was attended by President Nizar Amidi, Supreme Judicial Council chief Faiq Zaidan, and Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani, along with other political leaders.
Despite the partial approval of the government, the atmosphere inside parliament was less one of political victory than an attempt to freeze an ongoing crisis.
An adviser in the outgoing government of former Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani said that “a large part of the complexity of the situation is linked to the U.S. position regarding some armed factions participating in the political process.”
The adviser, who participated in rounds of negotiations with political parties on behalf of Sudani, told Alhurra that “some armed factions have in recent days already begun seeking regional and domestic mediation efforts to reorganize their relations with the United States, in hopes of returning to government participation or obtaining executive positions during the next phase.”
According to the adviser, those factions understand that Washington is directly monitoring the shape of the new government, particularly regarding security and economic posts. He added that “there are attempts to open unofficial de-escalation channels through Iraqi and regional mediators.”
The political maneuvering came amid growing discussion in Baghdad about U.S. objections to the participation of figures linked to armed factions in the new government. That pressure prompted Asaib Ahl al-Haq not to participate in the government so far, despite securing the post of deputy prime minister and one ministry. Other Shiite armed groups were affected as well.
A U.S. State Department spokesperson told Alhurra on Thursday that the United States continues to closely monitor the process of forming Iraq’s government and that “Iraq has a choice to make” regarding the participation of armed factions in the next government.
The spokesperson stressed that “Iran-backed terrorist militias should have no role in state institutions, and Iraqi government funds should not be used in any way to support these terrorist militias.” The spokesperson added that the United States will “calibrate [its] approach to the new government on that basis.”
Outside parliament, influential Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr remained a central figure despite his movement’s absence from the government. His recent statements regarding weapons and armed factions continue to weigh heavily on the political scene, while many political forces fear that another government failure could trigger renewed street protests, particularly as economic and service crises persist.
Zaidi, meanwhile, continues to present himself as an administrator rather than a political combatant. In his speech before parliament, he focused on economic reform, combating corruption and improving services — themes repeated by previous governments but now colliding with a reality that is more complex and less stable.
As the session concluded, Iraq entered a new phase with an incomplete government. The disputes were postponed rather than resolved, and political forces continue to treat the remaining ministries as a battle for influence no less important than the formation of the government itself.
The article is a translation of the original Arabic.
Mustafa Saadoon
Mustafa Saadoon is an Iraqi journalist who has worked for several international and Arab media organizations. He covers politics and human rights.
