Aden Killing Exposes Hidden Power Struggles

Wisam Qaed was buried two days after he was kidnapped and killed in Aden on Sunday afternoon, May 3, 2026.
But his case did not end with the burial.

The British-Yemeni, the executive director of the Social Fund for Development in Aden, was the second influential figure to be killed in the city in less than two weeks, following the killing of Islah Party leader Abdulrahman Al-Shaer in late April. Although no direct link between these incidents has been proven, Qaed’s position in a sensitive development institution—where donor funds intersect with the influence of competing authorities—has led many to view his killing as more than an isolated security incident.

Alhurra followed the story of his assassination through circles close to him, after media reports and official statements raised the possibility of Houthi involvement in his killing, against the backdrop of disputes related to the Social Fund for Development.

But his killing is not merely a Yemeni matter.

In a statement to Alhurra, the British Foreign Office said it is “closely monitoring the case” and is “in contact with local authorities.” It added: “As the investigation is ongoing, it would not be appropriate to speculate further.”

The British-Yemeni Wisam Qaed is one of the pioneers of inclusive development in Yemen. (Source: World Bank)

According to Yemeni authorities, and as documented by surveillance cameras, armed men took Wisam Qaed from near his home in the Inmaa neighborhood in Aden, before he was later found dead inside his car in the Al-Haswa area.

One detail that raised questions among those close to Qaed is that the kidnappers appeared, according to the footage, with their faces uncovered.

Qaed’s family told Alhurra in exclusive statements that he had not informed them of receiving direct threats or specific concerns prior to his killing. Meanwhile, Yemeni authorities announced the opening of an investigation and the arrest of at least one suspect, but they have not yet provided a complete account or public evidence answering the key questions: who planned the operation, who carried it out, and what the motive was.

To understand why a development official might become a potential target, it is necessary to understand the fund itself.

Since its establishment in 1997, the Social Fund for Development has remained one of the few channels capable of implementing projects in a country divided among rival authorities and frontlines. It represents one of the last areas of international trust in what remains of the state, and a conduit for hundreds of millions of dollars to schools, clinics, and roads. The fund has also received support from the World Bank for more than two decades.

Alhurra spoke with a colleague who worked directly with Wisam Qaed, who preferred to remain anonymous due to security concerns.

According to the colleague, even after the Houthis took control of Sana’a, the Social Fund was viewed as a “national” and “neutral” entity, rather than a foreign organization, which allowed it to continue operating despite Houthi restrictions on many international organizations. Qaed had assumed the position of deputy director of the fund in 2019, and at that time, according to the source, began opening financial and administrative files and questioning the destination of certain funds—leading to what his colleague described as an internal “war” against him.

His position changed in practice after he left Sana’a for Aden in 2024. From a deputy director working within the fund’s structure in Sana’a, Qaed became the face of executive management in Aden and the main point of contact with the internationally recognized government and international donors.

The colleague recounts that Qaed left Sana’a after receiving information about raids targeting employees and managers in civil organizations and institutions. He says an acquaintance drove him to Aden after a warning that there were “raids on organization managers,” before news of his departure spread, while Houthi gunmen later raided his home.

Alhurra was unable to independently verify all details of this account. However, it aligns with a documented context: in June 2024, Human Rights Watch said that the Houthis had arrested and forcibly disappeared dozens of people since late May, including UN staff and workers in non-governmental organizations. Weeks later, Amnesty International said the campaign targeted 13 UN staff members and at least 14 workers in Yemeni and international organizations.

After arriving in Aden, Qaed played a central role in repositioning the fund. His colleague told Alhurra that “Wisam was the architect of transferring the fund from Sana’a to Aden.” Two memoranda were issued—one from the Prime Minister’s office and another from the Yemeni Central Bank—to transfer the authorities and financial transactions related to the fund to Aden instead of Sana’a.

In practice, this meant a change in how international funding passing through the fund was managed, and a reduction in the powers of leaders who had been running parts of its operations from Sana’a. This shift came within a broader context of longstanding suspicions about Houthi control over financial and development institutions in the capital. In 2018, the Yemeni presidency accused the Houthis of tampering with the fund’s resources, including aid and loans.

The sensitivity of the issue increased later after the United States imposed sanctions on the Yemen and Kuwait Bank, one of the banks through which, according to the source, funds related to the fund were deposited or passed in Sana’a. Then came Washington’s re-designation of the Houthis as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in 2025, making any financial dealings that could be interpreted as material support to the group or affiliated entities carry high legal risks.

As a result, financial transactions related to the fund were restricted to banks in Aden.

In international reactions, the UN Special Envoy for Yemen, Hans Grundberg, condemned the killing of Wisam Qaed and said his legacy “must continue.” UNESCO described his assassination as a “devastating blow” to the humanitarian and development communities. Similar diplomatic positions followed: the European Union called for bringing the perpetrators to justice, the U.S. Embassy called for a comprehensive investigation, and the British ambassador to Yemen, Abda Sharif, expressed anger and shock, affirming that Qaed worked to ensure aid reached millions of Yemenis. Western embassies, including the German and French missions, also called for a swift investigation and accountability.

The article is a translation of the original Arabic.