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The Future as a Crime

MBN Magazine · September 2026

The Future as a Crime

This article is part of MBN's 9-11 symposium, in which we ask experts to describe the most under-rated consequence of the 9/11 attacks.

Joumana Haddad

Joumana Haddad is a Lebanese author, journalist, and activist.

Read in العربية
· 2 min read

The 9/11 attacks did not merely transform borders, foreign policy, and the relationship between security and freedom. They altered the tense in which power operates. The law was supposed to punish what had happened. After 9/11, governments increasingly claimed the right to punish what might.

The architects of that shift called it “pre-emption.” Its implications soon proved to be vast.

Countries could be invaded for weapons they might possess. People could be detained – “rendered,” as it was sometimes called – for crimes they might commit. Citizens could be monitored because their conversations might conceal intentions. Entire communities could become suspect because of what someone of their religion, origin, or appearance had done.

Suspicion was no longer the beginning of an investigation. It became its conclusion.

After September 11, I recognized that same reversal operating through the machinery of the state. Its most catastrophic expression was the invasion of Iraq, but its logic reached far beyond it. The same reasoning entered airports, borders, immigration policies, databases, workplaces, schools, and ordinary human encounters. A name became an alarm. An accent became a clue. A prayer became a potential confession.

The burden of proof had been reversed. It was no longer enough to be innocent. One had to demonstrate, repeatedly and often humiliatingly, that one was not dangerous.

The tragedy is not merely that governments exaggerated certain threats. It is that the imagined future became immune to contradiction. How does one disprove an event that has not occurred? Once possibility became sufficient evidence, there was almost nothing power could not justify in the name of preventing tomorrow.

This is perhaps why the change received less attention than the wars and laws it produced. It did not arrive as the declared abolition of a democratic principle. It slipped into public life disguised as caution. Citizens accepted exceptional measures because they were promised that the exception would be temporary. But fear has no natural expiration date, especially when institutions discover how useful it can be.

Twenty-five years later, we still inhabit that reversal. Predictive policing, algorithmic surveillance, preventive detention, travel bans, and collective suspicion all belong to a world in which possibility can outweigh fact.

September 11 taught democracies to fear what might happen. Its more enduring victory was teaching them to punish it in advance.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect MBN’s editorial stance.

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