President Donald Trump’s new executive order on the Muslim Brotherhood is already generating headlines. Some are calling it sweeping. Others say it’s historic. But the people who actually work in counterterrorism are offering a more grounded reading.
The order does not label the entire global Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization. It isn’t even designed to. As one senior counterterrorism analyst in Washington told MBN’s Joe Kawly, “legally, a broad designation would face immediate challenges. That’s why the order focuses on chapters where the evidence is strongest.”
Instead, the order triggers a formal review targeting only three chapters: Lebanon, Egypt, and Jordan. These are the cases the administration believes it can prove. Lebanon is accused of operational support for post-October 7 rocket fire into Israel. Egypt is tied to same-day incitement. Jordan is accused of “long-term material support” to Hamas. In the analyst’s words, “three different countries, three different legal theories. That’s why they picked them.”
And that targeted or selective approach is exactly what’s dividing the coalition that has been pushing for a global designation for more than a decade. “People who wanted the entire Brotherhood designated are furious,” another intelligence source said. “Look at Laura Loomer’s posts. She’s publicly attacking Sebastian Gorka because she wanted the whole thing.”
According to the expert, “for now, there is no case for a global designation. That’s why you’re seeing this strange fight between people who are supposedly on the same side.”
For years, experts like Matt Levitt have argued for this selective strategy. Levitt, who advised on this issue while in government and now leads research at the Washington Institute, told MBN that the executive order “comes with no new authorities” but is designed to “start a clock and force a formal interagency review.”
Levitt added that the logic behind the targeted approach is straightforward: “There are no legal or practical challenges to designating some branches rather than others. This approach gives the government a path to deal with those actually tied to terrorism.”
He also addressed the obvious political question: why are Turkey and Qatar missing?
According to Levitt, it’s because “they don’t have chapters as clearly engaged in actual acts of violence to be considered for FTO designation.” But he noted that entities inside both countries could still be targeted under financial sanctions rather than the terrorism designation. “We point to IHH, for example,” he said, referring to a Turkish organization long scrutinized for its alleged ties to Hamas.
But if the list reveals what the administration believes it can win, the omissions reveal something else. Qatar and Turkey, both home to political currents or figures connected to Brotherhood-adjacent movements, are nowhere in the fact sheet.
Why? The response was blunt. “Some countries have lobbyists. Some have leverage. Some have both. And Qatar has been effective at keeping itself off the list, despite its well-documented support for Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood during the Morsi era in 2012.”
Jordan recently cracked down on its own Brotherhood branch, making it an easier legal case. Lebanon’s inclusion, the senior counterterrorism analyst said, came after “Israel shared new intelligence with Washington linking specific actors to post-October 7 rocket fire. If you want a slam dunk, you start where the file is thick.”
The speed of the timeline adds another layer. The EO gives the Secretaries of State and Treasury 30 days for the review and 45 days to move on formal designations. For a process involving State, Treasury, Justice, and the intelligence community, that is fast.
“That pace tells you they think the homework is already done,” the analyst explained. “This isn’t a fishing expedition. They believe they have what they need.”
Still, the real test comes after any designations are announced. “You’re trying to isolate specific militant branches inside a very diffuse movement,” he warned. “You have to freeze the right accounts without accidentally hitting a hospital, a school, or a charity. That’s the tightrope.”
And while the administration argues this is about cutting off support to Hamas, the counterterrorism expert was clear about the potential ripple effects. “After 9/11, we saw what happens. Once designations start, lawsuits start. Investigations start. Some justified, some not. Small organizations get swept up. People spend years trying to clear their name.”
The bottom line: not all Muslim Brotherhood chapters are the same. And the executive order reflects that. Some groups were targeted because the evidence is fresh and specific. Others were omitted because the legal case is thin, or the politics are complicated.
The phrase “Muslim Brotherhood designation” may dominate headlines. The reality is far narrower, far more technical, and far more delicate.
The process has begun. Its consequences will take years to play out.
Joe Kawly
Joe Kawly is a veteran global affairs journalist with over two decades of frontline reporting across Washington, D.C. and the Middle East. A CNN Journalism Fellow and Georgetown University graduate, his work focuses on U.S. foreign policy, Arab world politics, and diplomacy. With deep regional insight and narrative clarity, Joe focuses on making complex global dynamics clear, human, and relevant.
