At a restaurant in downtown Moscow, Iraqi national Abbas al-Manasir was scrolling through his phone when he noticed a glowing advertisement with a QR code.
The link led him to a Russian-language message calling on foreigners to join the Russian army in exchange for a salary and citizenship. This was not what he had in mind when he left Iraq with a group of fellow Iraqis on a tourist visa, hoping to find a way into Europe. But the ad stirred his curiosity, and that of his companions.
If his path to the front began with the scan of a code, ours to reach him took days of searching. With help from Iraqi tribal figures and local activists, Alhurra managed to get in touch with al-Manasir.
His real name is Abbas Hamdallah, though online he goes by “Abbas al-Manasir.” After three days of phone calls, he agreed to a lengthy interview, in which he claimed to have been the first Iraqi to join the Russian army. Tribal sources also confirmed his identity, linking his real name to the persona known on social media.
A Human Reservoir for the Russian Army
Al-Manasir’s story is a window into a phenomenon that has expanded since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022: travel agencies converting tourist visas into recruitment contracts, and brokers preying on young Iraqis dreaming of escape through illegal migration. While the Iraqi government remains silent, the country that once declared neutrality in the Ukraine war has, like others in Asia and Africa, become a human reservoir for the Russian army.
Originally, al-Manasir and 15 companions planned to cross from Russia into Belarus, then Poland, and finally Germany. But being in Moscow exposed them to another path, mapped out in recruitment ads with QR codes plastered across streets, buses, and even restaurant tables.
Scanning one of the codes revealed what looked like a tempting offer: a $500 monthly salary for service inside Russia, up to $3,000 at the front lines, plus the promise of Russian citizenship.
Curiosity led them to ask their hotel manager, who gave them the address of a recruitment office. To their surprise, it turned out to be the Ministry of Defense itself.
Inside, al-Manasir explained via a translation app that they were Iraqis willing to volunteer. After interviews, medical exams, and security checks, he and his friends were approved. They were then taken to a training camp where they underwent military and language lessons for 27 days.
“We had to learn military commands in Russian to fit in,” he said. Afterwards, they were sent to another camp for an additional month of training before being dispatched to the front.
The City of Ruins
Bakhmut in eastern Ukraine was the destination for al-Manasir and three of his companions: a city reduced to rubble by shelling.
There, they found themselves in a Russian battalion led by a Chechen officer. Surprisingly, they were not assigned to combat in the first weeks. “The commander told us, ‘I know you’re anxious and confused, but I’m Muslim like you. I know why you’re here and what you don’t yet understand,’” al-Manasir recalled.
They listened to stories from soldiers returning from the frontlines. Weeks later, they began simple tasks: digging trenches and drone sites about 10 kilometers from the front. Over time, they were assigned more dangerous missions like Russian soldiers.
Alongside Iraqis, there were many Egyptians and Algerians. According to al-Manasir, many had already been living in Russia before the war as students or graduates and spoke Russian well.
The Death Rate
Al-Manasir didn’t stop at military service. He began documenting his days at the camp with videos and photos, discussing war technology and drones. “The content made me known inside the Russian army. I started livestreaming, explaining to young people how things work here, and advising them to be prepared.”
“I told them that joining the war carries a 99% chance of death.”
At the same time, he saw how brokers exploited recruits. Some Arabs living in Russia offered jobs as drivers or cooks but pushed them into combat. Others siphoned off financial rewards through contracts written in Russian. “I used to ask the youth: how will you work as cooks when you don’t know Russian? The Russians don’t speak English either,” he said.
He said the rewards had risen from $4,000 at the start of his service to between $10,000 and $20,000, depending on the Russian district in which they volunteered. The Russian army also promised lifelong monthly stipends to their families if killed, free education for their children, and citizenship.
Al-Manasir estimates that about 1,000 Iraqis have joined the Russian army since the war began, with roughly 200 killed.
“We Fear They’ll Return as Corpses”
Alhurra spoke with families of three young men from Baghdad, Diyala, and Basra, aged 18–22. All had left Iraq on tourist visas through travel agencies. The families requested anonymity.
“Our sons left hoping to work in support camps but ended up on the frontlines. We fear they’ll return as corpses,” said one father. Another family confirmed that some bodies had already been repatriated to Iraq quietly.
On September 5, the Iraqi embassy in Moscow issued a statement denying it had issued any visas, calling what circulated on social media “misleading claims.”
The embassy stressed that only the Russian embassy in Baghdad and its consulates were authorized to issue visas, warning Iraqis against being lured into the war, and reiterating Baghdad’s “neutral stance.”
But experts argue these warnings are insufficient. Political analyst Jaafar Ziyara said: “Weak economic planning, lack of job opportunities, and high poverty rates have made Iraqi youth easy prey for recruitment, just as happened in previous regional proxy wars.”
Ali al-Abadi, head of the Iraq Center for Human Rights, said: “Iraqis joining the war is a constitutional violation, since the constitution bans involvement in external conflicts.” He accused armed factions and travel agencies of exploiting young men.
The Iraqi government has issued no direct comment. Alhurra contacted the spokesman for the commander-in-chief but received no response.
“Think Twice!”
After a year of service, al-Manasir was discharged, but he renewed his contract with the Russian army. “I won’t go back to Iraq; it gave me nothing,” he said.
After completing his first year, he was officially released per his contract, but Russian intelligence requested to meet him.
“They told me I’d become popular, that many Iraqis and Arabs learned through my content how the Russian army receives recruits. They asked me why I keep saying in my videos that the death rate is 99%. I told them it’s necessary that anyone considering joining knows what they’re getting into.”
“Think a thousand times before taking this step,” al-Manasir warned Iraqi youth in his message to Alhurra.
Dalshad Hussein
