Is it Iraq’s Turn? 

Since Hamas’ attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, the so-called “Axis of Resistance” in the Middle East has suffered a series of setbacks. Israel dismantled Hamas’ military infrastructure in Gaza and assassinated senior Hezbollah leaders in Lebanon, including the group’s secretary-general, Hassan Nasrallah. Meanwhile, the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria last December cleared the way for a new government that is now exploring peace with Israel.

Now Washington has turned to Iraq, designating Iran-backed Shiite factions in its latest move.

On September 17, the U.S. State Department designated four Iran-backed Iraqi armed groups as Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs): the Nujaba Movement, the Master of Martyrs Battalion, Ansar Allah al-Awfiya, and the Imam Ali Brigades.

Robert Rabil, a professor of political science at Florida Atlantic University, told Alhurra: “The United States, Israel, Europe, and some Arab countries—especially in the Gulf—have decided that non-state actors should not have a role in the Middle East. They cannot dictate the region’s politics. States must remain in charge.”

He added that “this strategy was decided some time ago, and they are now moving gradually to implement.”

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the decision was tied to “attacks carried out by Iran-allied militias on the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad and on bases hosting U.S. and coalition forces.” He added that these groups “often resort to aliases or front organizations to obscure their true role.”

This American designation reflects a shift in calculations. Military force alone is no longer sufficient to curb the influence of Tehran-linked Iraqi factions. Instead, the main tool has become a mix of military deterrence with financial, legal, and political pressure, designed to reduce the militias’ influence over the long term and intensify pressure on Iran.

Accordingly, the decision does not appear to be a mere punitive measure, but part of a broader strategic effort to reset the balance between the Iraqi state and militias, and to end the dominance of non-state actors who have controlled the levers of security and politics in Iraq and the region for more than two decades.

Rabil stresses: “These groups are part of the Axis of Resistance in Iraq. They are not only hostile to the United States, but also to Iraq itself. Clearly, the designation also aims to intensify pressure on Iran.”

The Four Militias

The Nujaba Movement (officially known as the “12^th Brigade”), founded by Akram al-Kaabi in 2013, is considered one of the most prominent Iraqi armed factions linked to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard. It fought alongside the Assad regime before its fall last December and played a central role in securing extensive logistical routes for transporting weapons and fighters into Syria.

Master of Martyrs Battalion (officially known as the “14th Brigade”), led by Abu Ala’ al-Walai, also took part in the Syrian war and later stood out through its attacks on U.S. forces inside Iraq, making it an essential part of the regional “Axis of Resistance” network.

Despite its small size, Harakat Ansar Allah al-Awfiya played a notable role in opening logistical corridors for the smuggling of Iranian weapons into Iraq, underscoring that influence on the ground is not always measured by the size of the faction.

Meanwhile, the Imam Ali Brigades, led by Shibl al-Zaidi, demonstrated a clear ability to target Western interests in Baghdad. This group is distinguished by its direct ties to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard and Lebanon’s Hezbollah, making it a key player within the network of Iran-aligned Iraqi factions.

All of these groups are also connected to the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), an umbrella organization comprising dozens of paramilitary factions that were formally integrated into Iraq’s security forces. However, some of those factions have remained organically tied to Iran while retaining parallel military and political capabilities.

Many of these groups also operate political wings that contest elections and hold seats in parliament. Some even control government ministries, as part of the Coordination Framework, the coalition now in power.

“Preemptive Measures”

Ihsane al-Shammari, head of the Center for Political Thinking in Iraq, sees the U.S. designation as sending “a message to other political forces that Washington does not want these groups to be part of Iraq’s next political landscape.”

He told Alhurra that “these are preemptive measures ahead of Iraq’s general elections, signaling that the United States will not deal with any future government formed by these factions.”

With parliamentary elections set for November, Washington’s move poses a serious challenge for Baghdad, especially in redefining the relationship between the Iraqi state and the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF). The government now faces the delicate task of balancing U.S. pressure with preserving domestic security and political order, amid warnings that antagonizing the factions could spark armed clashes and broader unrest.

Just weeks ago, Washington increased its pressure, blocking a controversial law debated in parliament last July that sought to grant the PMF greater legitimacy. At the time, Secretary Rubio warned that such a move would “entrench Iranian influence and armed terrorist groups, undermining Iraq’s sovereignty.”

Reports indicate that the ruling coalition bowed to U.S. pressure, shelving the proposal until the next parliamentary cycle after elections.

What Dees the New U.S. Designation Mean?

The four militias had already been listed since 2023 as “Specially Designated Global Terrorists” (SDGTs). But their addition now to the FTO list gives the US State Department, and U.S. authorities more broadly, greater tools to pursue criminal action. That includes banning their members and leaders from traveling to the U.S. and freezing their financial assets.

As Rabil puts it: “If these factions want to have political parties, fine. But not while keeping weapons or building a state within a state.”