Two Iraqi armed factions allied with Iran announced Tuesday that they were prepared to hand over their weapons to the state, in what Iraqi sources told Alhurra was the result of renewed U.S. pressure and what appears to be a shift in Iran’s position.
The sources said Baghdad had made its stance clear, informing armed groups that any faction refusing to surrender its weapons would be treated as an “outlaw terrorist group,” in what is widely seen as the most serious effort yet to place all arms under state control in Iraq since 2003.
Alhurra obtained the information from sources in the office of Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi, others within the Coordination Framework — the ruling Shiite coalition — and a senior Iraqi official who served in the government of former Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani.
The factions Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib al-Imam Ali, both designated by the United States as terrorist organizations, announced Tuesday that they had decided to sever ties with the Popular Mobilization Forces and move toward placing weapons exclusively under state authority.
The Popular Mobilization Forces include brigades affiliated with Iran-backed factions that continue to operate independently, despite formally being integrated into Iraq’s military establishment since 2016.
The two factions said they had formed committees tasked with completing the requirements and procedures needed to implement the decision and establish direct links to the prime minister in his capacity as commander in chief of the armed forces.
Asaib Ahl al-Haq, which holds 28 seats in Iraq’s parliament, has sought to participate in the Iraqi government. On May 11, Alhurra reported that the Iran-aligned movement would not take part in Mr. al-Zaidi’s government because of its insistence on retaining its weapons — a prediction that proved accurate at the time. But recent developments appear to have pushed the group toward abandoning its arms. Kataib al-Imam Ali, which controls a five-seat parliamentary bloc and is seeking executive posts in Mr. al-Zaidi’s government, has taken a similar position.
The move came after a meeting Monday of leaders within the Coordination Framework, who endorsed a plan to limit weapons to state control and to separate the Popular Mobilization Forces from all political, partisan and social structures — a reference to the armed factions.
Mr. al-Zaidi welcomed the decisions by Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib al-Imam Ali, describing them as “responsible” steps.
A source within the ruling Coordination Framework told Alhurra that Iran’s position had shifted, prompting the two factions to change course. “The two movements want to integrate more deeply into the Iraqi state and focus on political work,” the source said.
Regarding Tehran’s changing stance, the source said Iranian officials had eased the pressure they had previously exerted, without elaborating on the reasons.
On May 11, Alhurra revealed that Esmail Qaani, commander of Iran’s Quds Force, had asked Shiite armed groups to forgo participation in the new government in exchange for retaining their weapons.
According to the source, the disarmament process will unfold in two phases. The first involves separating the factions from their political wings while maintaining direct ties to the state. The second phase would involve handing over advanced weapons systems, including drones and missiles.
Another source within the Coordination Framework said Mr. al-Zaidi had been granted broad authority to manage the issue. “You have full powers to deal with this file, and you are the first and last authority responsible for its details,” the source quoted coalition leaders as telling the prime minister.
The source added that joint committees comprising representatives from the Iraqi government and each faction that agrees to disarm would oversee the process, which is expected to include the surrender of light, medium and heavy weapons, as well as drones.
The steps taken by the two Iran-aligned factions follow a similar announcement last week by the Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr.
But Iraq’s biggest challenge remains the factions Harakat al-Nujaba and Kataib Hezbollah, both of which reject surrendering their weapons and tie any such move to the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Iraq — a reference to the U.S.-led international coalition fighting the Islamic State.
A source in the Iraqi government involved in communications with the factions told Alhurra that there were “preliminary agreements” for Harakat al-Nujaba and Kataib Hezbollah to relinquish their weapons in September, after the international coalition mission in Iraq concludes.
Asked about the possibility that the two factions might still refuse to disarm after the coalition’s departure, the source said: “They will be treated as outlaw terrorist groups.”
The developments place Mr. al-Zaidi’s government in a sensitive position that could bring it into direct confrontation with the factions. Baghdad may face attacks, retaliatory strikes or at minimum intensified pressure from some armed groups as it pursues efforts to centralize weapons under state authority. Still, developments over the past 72 hours suggest significant shifts are underway.
Sources in Mr. al-Zaidi’s office told Alhurra that Joshua Harris, the acting U.S. chargé d’affaires in Baghdad, conveyed during a meeting with the prime minister on May 31 the Trump administration’s opposition to the participation of armed factions in the Iraqi government at this stage, even if they publicly announce plans to disarm.
According to the sources, Washington does not view disarmament as a symbolic step or political declaration. Instead, it is demanding what officials described as a “testing and monitoring period” to ensure the dismantling of the factions’ military and economic structures and the end of the organizational and ideological ties that allow them to operate independently from state institutions.
The same sources said Mr. al-Zaidi told the American side during the meeting that he wanted to give negotiations with the armed factions a genuine opportunity, citing concerns that any sudden confrontation could trigger a broad security crisis with consequences for Iraq’s internal stability and economy.
The U.S. State Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment from Alhurra regarding the decision by some Iran-backed factions to move ahead with plans to place their weapons under state control.
But Tom Barrack, the U.S. special envoy for Iraq and Syria, described the move Tuesday in a post on X as “a significant step forward,” saying it represented “the nascent foundation for a renewed Iraqi self-governance — grounded in restored sovereignty, enduring stability, and the promise of national renewal. We likewise commend those groups whose principled decision to return all weapons to the Iraqi state will contribute to the architecture of order. Prime Minister Al Zaidi’s confidence is well-placed, for this marks only the beginning.”
According to an analysis provided to Alhurra by a minister who served in the government of former Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, Washington is pursuing three parallel tracks to curb the influence of armed factions.
The first track involves political isolation, through refusing to engage with any government or officials directly or indirectly linked to the factions, even if they appear under technocratic or civilian labels.
The second focuses on economic leverage, tying the stability of Iraq’s financial system and the continued flow of Iraqi oil revenues in U.S. dollars through the Federal Reserve to Baghdad’s commitment to reducing the influence of armed groups and their economic networks.
The third track targets restructuring Iraq’s security apparatus by consolidating all weapons under state authority and strengthening the powers of the commander in chief over all military formations, including reorganizing relations with the Popular Mobilization Forces.
The developments present Mr. al-Zaidi with an extraordinary challenge in the early days of his premiership as he seeks to buy time and expand the scope of dialogue in order to avoid a security confrontation that could prove politically and militarily costly.
But with some factions continuing to cling to their weapons and economic influence, the government’s room for maneuvering is narrowing steadily. The coming months are likely to determine whether Baghdad can balance the demands of internal stability with pressure from its American partner — or whether it will face far more difficult choices that could reshape Iraq’s political and security landscape entirely.
Adapted and translated from the original Arabic.
Mustafa Saadoon
Mustafa Saadoon is an Iraqi journalist who has worked for several international and Arab media organizations. He covers politics and human rights.
