Can This Man Save Gaza?

It started with a phone call.

In late February 2025, Samir Hulileh—a 67-year-old Palestinian businessman, born in Kuwait and armed with a master’s in economics from the American University of Beirut—resigned from his post as chairman of the Palestine Stock Exchange and from all positions tied to the powerful al-Masri family, a major player in Gaza and the West Bank with stakes in telecom, real estate, finance, and energy. Palestinian-American billionaire Bashar al-Masri is said to be close to U.S. President Donald Trump.

It wasn’t a routine resignation. Hulileh now says it was the first step toward something far bigger: preparing to govern Gaza in the post-war “day after.”

The idea wasn’t his alone. He recalls the strange call vividly. On the other end was Ari Ben-Menashe, a controversial Israeli-Canadian lobbyist with a checkered past—an ex-Israeli military intelligence officer, a middleman in Iran-Contra-era arms deals, a contractor for both the Pentagon and the White House. “Google my name, then let’s meet,” Ben-Menashe told him.

In an interview with Yedioth Ahronoth, Ben-Menashe claimed he had been tasked by President Joe Biden’s administration to identify candidates for Gaza’s transitional leadership.

After interviewing dozens, Ben-Menashe said , Hulileh stood out as the top choice. “I’m in daily contact with U.S. officials through him,” Hulileh told Alhurra. He added that the initiative gained fresh momentum under Donald Trump. (Alhurra has not independently corroborated Hulileh’s account.)

Abbas Says “No,” Netanyahu Says “Never”

The reaction was swift. The Palestinian Authority blasted what it called Hulileh’s “maneuver,” describing it as “shameful,” full of “lies,” and an attempt to bypass official leadership. President Mahmoud Abbas insists Gaza’s governance must remain under the PA’s control—united with the West Bank.

But Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has flatly rejected any PA return to Gaza. That deadlock is precisely what the “day after” plans are trying to solve.

Hulileh describes himself not as a politician but as a “project manager” for rebuilding Gaza: humanitarian aid, reconstruction, rule of law. He points to the staggering $53 billion price tag for reconstruction and says his private-sector background is an asset.

Former U.S. diplomat James Jeffrey agrees: “He’s the best possible solution,” he told Alhurra, noting that Hulileh could slip past Israel’s red lines against the PA while still enjoying Arab legitimacy.

Competing Blueprints

Jeffrey, now at the Washington Institute, points to three main post-war blueprints currently in play: a plan drafted by American and Israeli experts and published by the Wilson Center; a proposal by the RAND Corporation; and a set of principles issued by the United Arab Emirates.

All three agree on one key point: a strong U.S. diplomatic and supervisory role will be essential for any transitional authority in Gaza. The Wilson Center plan — the most comprehensive — envisions an Arab-led multinational force operating under the oversight of an American-led international contact group, even if that oversight remains informal. RAND’s plan proposes a similar structure, calling for a temporary multinational security force to manage Gaza during the transition. [[okay, better. And what does the UAE plan [propose?]]

Meanwhile, Israel declared on August 8 that it would impose temporary control over the entire Gaza Strip based on a loose framework: Arab oversight, disarmament, no Hamas, no Palestinian Authority, and the continuation of Israeli security operations on the ground, at sea, and in the air.

“Conditions for Success—or More Tragedy”

“The question is not who rules Gaza, but what conditions are created for success,” Hulileh insists. He demands an international force capable of blocking future Israeli incursions, lifting the blockade, and securing reconstruction funding.

And he adds a warning: he will not accept “a suicide mission” doomed from the start.

But Israeli officials are blunt. Retired intelligence officer Yossi Kuperwasser told Alhurra: “Hamas must be removed completely and disarmed. Gazans must be convinced Hamas will not return. And yes—the Israeli army must remain on the ground, in the skies, at sea, and along the Philadelphi Corridor.”

He dismisses talk of a new government as “wishful thinking,” hinting that Israel might not accept Hulileh at all. Instead, he suggests carving Gaza into local fiefdoms run by leaders vetted by an international body but, crucially, approved by Israel.

Frustration in Washington

Veteran U.S. diplomat Elliott Abrams voiced his exasperation at what he calls a vacuum of ideas: “There is no serious plan—none from Israel, none from the PA, none from Washington.”

Abrams supports the creation of an international authority but insists Palestinian police and Arab forces must anchor security. He points to Cairo’s high-profile proposal, outlined by Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty, to temporarily administer Gaza through a 15-member committee of Palestinian technocrats for six months, under the supervision of the Palestinian Authority. When we asked Hulileh if he would lead this proposed committee—one that could evolve into a government—his answer was an unequivocal confirmation.

Abrams also revisits one of the most contentious ideas: allowing Gazans to leave. “Just as millions of Syrians and Ukrainians fled wars, Gazans should be allowed to escape for humanitarian reasons,” he told Alhurra, while rejecting accusations of forced displacement and emphasizing their “absolute right of return.”

The Road Ahead

Between Abbas’s veto, Netanyahu’s conditions, Israeli security demands, and American hesitation, Hulileh’s path is anything but certain. Yet the fact that his name is even on the table underscores a new reality: Gaza’s “day after” won’t be decided by Hamas or the PA alone, but in the interplay of businessmen, foreign lobbyists, Arab capitals, and Washington’s willingness to act.

As Hulileh himself put it: “Without clear international will, the tragedy continues.”