Oval Office Welcome for an Ex-Rebel

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa left Washington after three days of intensive meetings in the U.S. capital. Questions abound about whether his visit marked the beginning of a genuine openness between the two countries or was merely a test of intentions.

Al-Sharaa’s meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump crowns nearly a year of evolving US policies toward Damascus and al-sharaa himself. Before and during the visit, the UN Security Council lifted sanctions partially on Syria, and the Trump administration eased restrictions of the “Caesar Act” for 180 days.

We followed al-sharaa’s visit closely. These were its main topics: sanctions, security cooperation, relations with Israel, and outreach to the Trump administration.

“Caesar… A Crossroads”

U.S. sanctions on Syria formed the central theme of al-sharaa’s visit to Washington. Since taking power after the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad’s regime, the Syrian president has sought to end his country’s international isolation and remove the crippling economic restrictions.

During his meeting with Trump at the White House, talks focused on the Caesar Act, which had imposed wide-ranging sanctions on Damascus for human-rights violations during the Assad era. Trump suspended the application of some restrictions under this act last May. However, lifting the sanctions totally requires Congressional approval.

Coinciding with the meeting between al-sharaa and Trump, the U.S. Treasury Department extended the waiver from the restrictions of the Caesar Act for another 180 days – a move seen as evidence of the administration’s commitment to temporarily provide Syria with some economic relief.

Al-sharaa hopes this reprieve will eventually lead to the full removal of U.S. sanctions. The White House confirmed that Trump “remains committed to giving Syria a chance at greatness,” but that the matter now rests with the legislative branch.

In Congress, there are two schools of thought: some call for ending the sanctions without preconditions, others demand periodic reviews of the terms for any relief. Syrian activists warn that conditional relief will keep investors wary of entering the Syrian market as they would be afraid the decision to conditionally lift sanction could be reversed later.

During a meeting with al-sharaa on November 11, several prominent members of Congress called for repealing the Caesar Act. Even Trump’s Republican allies expressed willingness to discuss sanctions relief, especially if Trump personally pushed for it.

James Jeffrey, former U.S. deputy national security adviser and a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, told Alhurra that the Trump administration “is seriously pushing to end the Caesar Act, which prevents Syria from recovering economically, but it has not yet removed Syria from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. He added that “the administration’s hesitation to take that step weakens its position before Congress as it seeks sanction relief.”

At the same time, there is an urgent need for investment flows to rebuild what the war destroyed. According to the World Bank, reconstruction costs may exceed $200 billion, and rebuilding cannot begin in earnest until the major U.S. sanctions are lifted. Around 90 percent of Syrians live below the poverty line after 14 years of war — making sanction relief a prerequisite for economic revival.

In short, sanction relief is now seen as a key prerequisite to Syria’s economic recovery. It should be paired with genuine political guarantees for reform that include, for instance, ensuring the safety of all Syrian communities and engaging constructively with Syria’s neighbors, including Israel.

Relations with Israel

The visit also marked a turning point in Syrian Israeli relations, which for long was marked by hostility. Since the fall of the Assad regime late last year, Israel has sharply escalated its military operations inside Syria. It carried out repeated airstrikes on military installations and government institutions and repeatedly sent ground forces beyond the Golan Heights into southern Syria.

Israel says its measures are preemptive and are meant to ward off the “threat” posed by the new Syrian leadership and “to protect the Druze minority in those areas.”

Al-sharaa, for his part, has tried from the outset to defuse tensions with Israel. He repeatedly affirmed that the new Syria would pose no threat to Israel. His government even arrested leaders of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad movement inside Syrian territory as a gesture of goodwill.

Still, those steps failed to bring immediate calm, as Israel continued its strikes inside Syria. In response, Damascus floated the idea of a security agreement with Israel that would see Israeli troop withdraw from the locations they deployed to after Assad’s ouster. Syrian officials hope to reach an arrangement similar to the 1974 disengagement accord — one that secures the border and restores Syria’s full control over its territory.

In Washington, President Trump revealed that he is working with the Israeli government to improve ties with Damascus, telling reporters: “You can expect some announcements regarding Syria soon.”

An analytical article by the Atlantic Council noted that improving Syrian-Israeli relations has become an explicit goal of the U.S. administration, which envisions eventually integrating Syria into the Abraham Accords that normalized relations between Israel and several Arab states.

James Jeffrey affirmed this intent, saying: “The U.S. administration believes Syria’s stability cannot be achieved without a security arrangement with Israel that ends threats along the northern border and prevents a resurgence of Iran’s influence.”

Al-sharaa is well aware of the equation. Yet, the road to any real breakthrough remains long and flanked by mutual distrust and the legacy of decades of conflict.

During his visit, al-sharaa told Fox News: “We will not enter negotiations with Israel now as long as Israel occupies Syrian territory.” But he did leave the door slightly open by adding: “Perhaps the United States and President Trump’s administration can help us reach that kind of negotiation in the future.”

Al-Sharaa Meets Brian Mast

Al-Sharaa also sought to win support from influential U.S. circles, especially those that are sympathetic to Israel. In DC, he met with Republican Congressman Brian Mast, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, to discuss ways to “build a future for Syria free of war, ISIS, and extremism.”

Although Mast remains cautious about lifting sanctions on Damascus, the meeting itself signaled al-Sharaa’s effort to reassure powerful voices in Washington that the new Syria does not harbor hostility toward Israel.

In a symbolic gesture, al-Sharaa also met Rabbi Yousef Hamra and several representatives of the “Jewish Heritage Foundation” in Washington.

ISIS and Counter-Terrorism Cooperation

The visit also produced a historic outcome on countering terrorism. It was announced that Syria had officially joined the U.S.-led Global Coalition against the Islamic State (ISIS).

Syria’s information minister said on the X platform that Damascus had joined a political cooperation framework with the coalition against ISIS. Meanwhile, The Wall Street Journal quoted a U.S. official as saying Syria would become the coalition’s 90th member, and that the United States would allow the reopening of Syria’s embassy in Washington for security and economic coordination.

Trump welcomed the move, saying it transforms Syria from a pariah state into a partner in combating terrorism, a measure that signals Damascus ushering a new era of cooperation with the international community after years of isolation.

On the ground, this cooperation was not entirely new. The new Syrian forces – alongside former opposition factions and Kurdish SDF units – have been fighting ISIS for months in close coordination with U.S. efforts. But Syria’s formal entry into the coalition gives this emerging partnership an institutional framework.

James Jeffrey told Alhurra that “Syria is moving toward gradual engagement with the international coalition against ISIS — starting with political participation but expanding into an increased field cooperation with the U.S. Central Command.” He explained that “CENTCOM is building a trilateral framework involving joint training, intelligence sharing, and perhaps later coordinated operations inside Syrian territory.”

The meeting between al-Sharaa and Trump coincided with reports of two foiled assassination attempts against al-Sharaa that were planned by ISIS cells in recent months.

In the days leading up to the visit, Syria’s Interior Ministry, according to SANA, launched an extensive campaign against the group’s sleeper cells, arresting more than 70 suspects nationwide.

Al-Sharaa made sure to reassure Americans about his past and his government’s commitment to eradicating terrorism. Just days before the meeting, Washington formally removed al-Sharaa’s from its global terrorist lists – a move denoting that the U.S. now views him as a security partner rather than an adversary.

After the meeting, Trump praised al-Sharaa’s efforts against ISIS, telling reporters: “We will do everything we can to make Syria successful,” expressing confidence in the Syrian president’s ability to “finish the job” of defeating the group’s remnants.

Evolving Relationship with Trump

Al-Sharaa’s reception at the White House was no ordinary event – it marked a dramatic shift in Washington’s approach to the new Syria. It was the first time a U.S. president hosted a Syrian president since Syria’s independence in 1946.

Despite the symbolism, the reception was kept low-profile. Al-Sharaa entered through a side door away from the cameras, and there were no formal ceremonies or a joint press conference. Observers saw this as reflecting the visit’s sensitivity in Washington, given ongoing debate about al-Sharaa’s past and his place in Syria’s political landscape.

Nevertheless, public statements after the meeting revealed striking personal warmth between Trump and his Syrian guest. Trump described al-Sharaa as “a strong leader,” expressing confidence in his ability to “lead his country to success,” adding, “We’ve all had difficult pasts.” This friendly tone built on the positive impression Trump had shared about al-Sharaa during their first meeting six months earlier in Riyadh.

The White House defended the meeting as part of “the president’s diplomatic outreach to all parties seeking peace.” Despite domestic criticism labeling the encounter a “political gamble,” Trump justified his decision: “I have to treat the presidency as a global matter. Wars can ignite anywhere and reach our

Conclusion – What Next?

With al-Sharaa’s departure from Washington, what has been achieved looks more like a preliminary roadmap than a decisive breakthrough.

On sanctions, the ball is now in Congress’s court. It will decide the fate of the Caesar Act, choosing either to renew it, conditionally ease it, or partially lift it. It all comes down to Damascus’ fulfilment of its new commitments.

On the security front, attention turns now to establishing a cooperation framework against ISIS that is based on intelligence exchanges and de-confliction. Later discussions about a gradual U.S. troop reduction are possible.

Inside Syria, tangible steps are expected to build trust. Among those are integrating the SDF forces, controlling local militias, making progress on detainee and eradicating the Captagon-smuggling trade.

Regionally, a de-escalation arrangement with Israel for the southern parts of Syria is being explored through preliminary security arrangements that fall short of final negotiations.

Economically, reopening the Syrian mission in Washington and issuing clear banking guidelines are awaited to pave the way for initial investment ties – without which Syria’s recovery will remain delayed, no matter how warm the diplomatic meetings appear.

Ezat Wagdi Ba Awaidhan

Ezat Wagdi Ba Awaidhan, a Yemeni journalist and documentary filmmaker based in Washington, D.C., holds a master's degree in media studies.


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